Redeeming Politics

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So much to learn from Deus Caritas Est, but what jumps right out at a Political Philosophy major is Benedict’s effort to redeem the political order with a brief discussion of its role –and its limits. The man truly is an Augustinian --this is right out of City of God.

On the one hand, he offers a ringing defense of freedom against utopian ideologies and denounces the encroaching bureaucratic state. The idea that if we just order the world properly, there won’t be need for charity –that everything can be solved by the state-- is ultimately materialism, he writes –the notion that man can live by bread alone.

The State which would provide everything, absorbing everything into itself, would ultimately become a mere bureaucracy incapable of guaranteeing the very thing which the suffering person—every person—needs: namely, loving personal concern. We do not need a State which regulates and controls everything, but a State which, in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity, generously acknowledges and supports initiatives arising from the different social forces and combines spontaneity with closeness to those in need.
[Apologies to those who know, but for those who don't, "subsidiarity" has a specific meaning in Catholic social thought. Read about it here (embedded in the column).]

On the other hand, he also defends politics as such. (Anthony Kennedy, take note):
Justice is both the aim and the intrinsic criterion of all politics. Politics is more than a mere mechanism for defining the rules of public life: its origin and its goal are found in justice, which by its very nature has to do with ethics. The State must inevitably face the question of how justice can be achieved here and now. But this presupposes an even more radical question: what is justice? The problem is one of practical reason; but if reason is to be exercised properly, it must undergo constant purification, since it can never be completely free of the danger of a certain ethical blindness caused by the dazzling effect of power and special interests.
And political life, against the temptation of some believers to want to impose theocracy:
Here politics and faith meet. Faith by its specific nature is an encounter with the living God—an encounter opening up new horizons extending beyond the sphere of reason. But it is also a purifying force for reason itself. From God's standpoint, faith liberates reason from its blind spots and therefore helps it to be ever more fully itself. Faith enables reason to do its work more effectively and to see its proper object more clearly. This is where Catholic social doctrine has its place: it has no intention of giving the Church power over the State. Even less is it an attempt to impose on those who do not share the faith ways of thinking and modes of conduct proper to faith. Its aim is simply to help purify reason and to contribute, here and now, to the acknowledgment and attainment of what is just.
The Church's social teaching argues on the basis of reason and natural law, namely, on the basis of what is in accord with the nature of every human being. It recognizes that it is not the Church's responsibility to make this teaching prevail in political life. Rather, the Church wishes to help form consciences in political life and to stimulate greater insight into the authentic requirements of justice as well as greater readiness to act accordingly, even when this might involve conflict with situations of personal interest. Building a just social and civil order, wherein each person receives what is his or her due, is an essential task which every generation must take up anew.

He also has words for Christians tempted to go the other way—to wash their hands of the political order altogether, as inherently corrupt. Faith has a vital role to play in public life, but as witness and participant, not as ruler (and these words apply, too, to those who fear the participation of believers in "the public square.")

As a political task, this [building a just civil order] cannot be the Church's immediate responsibility. Yet, since it is also a most important human responsibility, the Church is duty-bound to offer, through the purification of reason and through ethical formation, her own specific contribution towards understanding the requirements of justice and achieving them politically.
The Church cannot and must not take upon herself the political battle to bring about the most just society possible. She cannot and must not replace the State. Yet
at the same time she cannot and must not remain on the sidelines in the fight for justice. She has to play her part through rational argument and she has to reawaken the spiritual energy without which justice, which always demands sacrifice, cannot prevail and prosper. A just society must be the achievement of politics, not of the Church. Yet the promotion of justice through efforts to bring about openness of mind and will to the demands of the common good is something which concerns the Church deeply.

It's interesting to me that this discussion comes up in the context of a recovery of eros, because I've often thought that the same impulse which leads some believers (misguidedly) to deprecate the body also leads them to loathe politics. Politics has a limited aim (justice) not an eternal one (salvation). But it is not therefore inherently corrupt; it's human. I wish every pro-lifer who has ever said, "God calls us to be faithful, not successful" as an excuse for stupid political tactics would meditate deeply on the Pope's words.